The Workers' Party of Singapore (2015-2025): An Analysis of Performance, Challenges, and Evolution

1. Introduction

Purpose: This report provides an expert analysis of the performance of the Workers' Party (WP) of Singapore over the decade spanning approximately 2015 to 2025. It evaluates the party's electoral trajectory, policy contributions, governance record in town council management, internal challenges including significant controversies, and key leadership developments.

Context: Within Singapore's political landscape, historically dominated by the People's Action Party (PAP) since 1959 1, the Workers' Party established itself as the leading opposition force during this period.1 The decade under review was particularly significant, encompassing two General Elections (GE2015 and GE2020) that yielded contrasting outcomes for the party. It also witnessed the culmination of major legal challenges concerning town council management, impactful internal party incidents involving Member of Parliament (MP) conduct, and a crucial generational leadership transition. Understanding the WP's performance during these years is essential for comprehending the dynamics of political competition and evolution in Singapore.

Scope and Methodology: This analysis synthesizes information drawn from publicly available sources, including official election results, party manifestos, parliamentary records (speeches, questions), town council reports, summaries of legal proceedings (particularly the Aljunied-Hougang Town Council case), media reports, and political commentary. The report examines the WP's electoral results, key policy positions and parliamentary activities, notable achievements in constituency and town council management, significant controversies and internal challenges, media portrayal and public perception, and leadership changes. The objective is to present a balanced and evidence-based overview, acknowledging both the party's perceived successes and its notable setbacks between 2015 and 2025.

2. Electoral Fortunes: A Decade of Swings

The decade between 2015 and 2025 witnessed significant fluctuations in the Workers' Party's electoral performance, reflecting both the party's own strategic shifts and the broader dynamics of Singaporean politics. The period encompassed two General Elections, GE2015 and GE2020, which presented markedly different outcomes and narratives for the party.

GE2015: Setback Amidst PAP Resurgence

The 2015 General Election proved challenging for the WP. Contesting 28 out of 89 parliamentary seats 1, the party secured victory in 6 constituencies: the 5-member Aljunied Group Representation Constituency (GRC) and the Hougang Single Member Constituency (SMC).1 This represented a net loss of one elected seat compared to the seven elected seats the party held at the time of Parliament's dissolution.1 Following the election, the WP was allocated three Non-Constituency Member of Parliament (NCMP) positions based on the best performance among losing opposition candidates. However, Ms. Lee Li Lian, the defeated incumbent from Punggol East SMC, declined her NCMP seat, resulting in the party ultimately taking up two NCMP positions, bringing its total parliamentary presence to 8 seats immediately post-election (later adjusted when one NCMP seat was filled by another WP candidate).1

Nationally, the WP garnered 12.48% of the total valid votes cast.1 However, a more telling metric was its performance in the 28 seats it contested directly. Here, the party's average vote share dropped significantly to 39.75% 6 (or 39.8% 8), marking a decline of approximately 6.8 percentage points compared to its performance in contested seats during GE2011.6 This stood in stark contrast to the ruling PAP, which experienced a substantial upswing, securing 69.86% of the national vote and winning 83 seats.1

Key constituency results underscored the difficulties faced by the WP in GE2015:

• Aljunied GRC: The WP team, led by then Secretary-General Low Thia Khiang, retained the GRC but with a significantly reduced majority. They secured 50.96% of the vote (70,050 votes) against the PAP team's 49.04% (67,424 votes).9 The margin of victory was a mere 2,626 votes (1.92%) 9, a substantial decrease from the 54.72% achieved in their historic 2011 win.7 The narrowness of the margin necessitated a vote recount.7

• Hougang SMC: The party successfully defended its traditional stronghold, with Png Eng Huat winning 57.66% of the vote (13,027 votes).9 However, this represented a decline from the 64.8% secured in GE2011 8 and the 62.1% obtained in the 2012 by-election.7

• Punggol East SMC: The WP suffered a notable loss, failing to retain the seat won by Lee Li Lian in a 2013 by-election. PAP veteran Charles Chong secured 51.76% (16,977 votes), narrowly defeating Ms. Lee who garnered 48.24% (15,818 votes).1 This loss symbolized the broader swing against the opposition.

• Other Contested Wards: The WP contested several other GRCs and SMCs, achieving respectable but ultimately unsuccessful results. Notable vote shares included 39.27% in East Coast GRC, 42.48% in Fengshan SMC, 32.27% in Jalan Besar GRC, 33.6% in MacPherson SMC, 35.93% in Marine Parade GRC, 33.17% in Nee Soon GRC, and 37.89% in Sengkang West SMC.6

GE2015 was widely interpreted as a significant setback for the WP and the opposition movement in Singapore.8 The PAP's commanding performance was attributed by analysts to a confluence of factors, including the "feel-good" effect of Singapore's 50th anniversary (SG50) celebrations, a sense of national unity following the passing of founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew earlier that year, and potentially the ongoing public discourse surrounding the AHTC town council management issues, which may have raised questions about the WP's governance capabilities.8 The extremely narrow victory margin in Aljunied GRC highlighted the vulnerability of even the party's most significant electoral prize. The loss of Punggol East demonstrated the difficulty in consolidating gains made in by-elections, particularly when facing a strong national tide favouring the incumbent party in a general election context. This underscores the difference between voter sentiment potentially driven by specific local factors or timing in a by-election versus the broader considerations at play during a nationwide poll.

GE2020: Historic Breakthrough and Consolidation

In contrast to 2015, the 2020 General Election marked a period of significant advancement for the Workers' Party. The party contested 21 seats across four GRCs and two SMCs.3 The outcome was a historic high for the WP in terms of elected representation, securing 10 seats in Parliament.3 This was achieved by retaining Aljunied GRC and Hougang SMC with increased majorities, and, crucially, capturing the newly formed Sengkang GRC.3 This victory in Sengkang marked the first time in Singapore's history that an opposition party had won two GRCs in a single general election.5

While the WP's share of the overall national vote was 11.22% 3, a more pertinent figure reflecting its direct competitiveness was its performance in the 21 seats it contested directly against the PAP. In these head-to-head contests, the WP collectively secured 50.49% of the valid votes (279,245 votes out of 553,118).3 This statistic was significant, marking the first time since 1963 that the PAP did not win the popular vote aggregate across constituencies contested by the WP.3 Achieving over 50% in these contested seats represented a crucial psychological and strategic milestone. Although not indicative of national power, it signalled strong resonance for the WP brand and message within specific battleground constituencies, potentially bolstering party morale, attracting candidates, and influencing future strategic decisions on resource allocation and contest locations.15

Key constituency results in GE2020 demonstrated the WP's resurgence:

• Aljunied GRC: The incumbent WP team, now led by Secretary-General Pritam Singh, retained the GRC with a significantly strengthened mandate, securing 59.95% of the vote (85,815 votes).10 This represented a positive swing of 8.99 percentage points compared to the near-loss in 2015.10

• Hougang SMC: New candidate Dennis Tan successfully retained the WP stronghold with 61.19% of the vote (15,451 votes), improving upon the party's 2015 performance in the constituency.15

• Sengkang GRC: This was the major upset of GE2020. The WP team, comprising He Ting Ru, Jamus Lim, Raeesah Khan, and Louis Chua, won the newly created 4-member GRC with 52.12% (60,217 votes).13 They defeated a PAP team that included three incumbent political office-holders (Ng Chee Meng, Lam Pin Min, Amrin Amin).18

• East Coast GRC: The WP team put up a strong challenge, securing 46.61% (53,375 votes) but ultimately losing to a PAP team anchored by then-Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat.15

• Marine Parade GRC: A relatively new WP team garnered a respectable 42.24% of the vote (55,047 votes).15

• Punggol West SMC: The WP candidate lost, securing 39.02% (10,017 votes).15

GE2020 was widely viewed as a significant success for the WP, consolidating its status as the primary opposition party and indicating broader electoral appeal.13 Several factors were cited by analysts as contributing to this outcome. These included the fielding of a strong slate of candidates, with Associate Professor Jamus Lim gaining particular public attention for his performance in televised debates.18 Effective campaign messaging, using slogans like "Make Your Vote Count" and emphasizing the need to deny the PAP a "blank cheque" in Parliament, appeared to resonate with voters.3 Furthermore, there may have been a growing desire among the electorate for stronger checks and balances within the political system.15 The victory in Sengkang GRC, a constituency noted for its younger demographic profile 18, also suggested increasing support for the WP among younger voters.

By-Elections (2015-2025)

No parliamentary by-elections involving the Workers' Party occurred between the 2015 and 2020 General Elections, or in the period following GE2020 up to early 2025. The last relevant by-election was the one held in Punggol East in 2013, which the WP won but subsequently lost in GE2015.1 Party activities and manifesto preparations indicate active planning for the upcoming GE2025.21

Comparative Analysis and Trends

The contrasting electoral outcomes of GE2015 and GE2020 highlight the volatility in WP's fortunes over the decade. The party shifted from a defensive posture in 2015, marked by the narrow retention of Aljunied and the loss of Punggol East, to achieving significant offensive gains in 2020 with the capture of Sengkang and improved margins elsewhere.

The sharp decline in the WP's vote share within contested seats in 2015 (to 39.8%) followed by a rebound to over 50% in direct PAP contests in 2020 (50.49%) suggests a complex dynamic. It indicates that WP's electoral success is highly sensitive not only to its own campaigning and candidate quality but also significantly influenced by the prevailing national mood and the performance and standing of the PAP. The powerful swing towards the PAP in 2015, linked to factors like SG50 celebrations and the passing of Lee Kuan Yew 8, occurred despite the WP having established a GRC foothold in 2011. This implies that external factors favouring the incumbent can heavily impact WP's vote share, irrespective of its own track record. Conversely, the substantial gains in 2020 occurred amidst the global COVID-19 pandemic, a crisis during which incumbent governments often benefit from a "flight to safety." That the WP still made significant inroads suggests that factors such as a desire for greater parliamentary oversight 15, the appeal of its candidates 18, or specific policy disagreements were potent enough to counteract the crisis effect, perhaps indicating a growing resilience in its support base or increased voter emphasis on opposition roles.

The capture of Sengkang GRC in 2020 was a landmark achievement.5 Winning a second GRC demonstrated that the Aljunied victory was not necessarily an isolated event and suggested the party could potentially replicate its success in other constituencies, breaking a significant psychological barrier for opposition politics in Singapore.

The following table summarizes the key electoral metrics for the WP in GE2015 and GE2020:

Table 1: WP Electoral Performance Summary (GE2015 vs GE2020)

Metric	GE2015	GE2020	Change
Seats Contested	28	21	-7
Seats Won (Elected)	6	10	+4
NCMPs Won (Initial/Final)	3 / 2 (after Lee Li Lian declined) 2	2 (PSP took these) 4	-2 (WP won enough elected seats)
Total Parliamentary Seats (Post-GE)	8 (6 Elected + 2 NCMP)	10 (Elected)	+2
Overall National Vote Share (%)	12.48% 1	11.22% 3	-1.26pp
Vote Share in Contested Seats (%)	39.75% 6 / 39.8% 8	50.49% (in seats contested vs PAP) 15	+ ~10.7pp (in contested seats vs PAP) 16
Aljunied GRC Vote Share (%)	50.96% 9	59.95% 15	+8.99pp 10
Hougang SMC Vote Share (%)	57.66% 9	61.19% 19	+3.53pp
Key Seat Changes	Lost Punggol East SMC 1	Won Sengkang GRC 3	Gained 1 GRC, Lost 1 SMC (net gain)

(Note: Overall National Vote Share depends on total votes cast nationally vs votes for WP; Vote Share in Contested Seats reflects WP's performance only where it fielded candidates. The GE2020 contested share specifically refers to the 21 seats WP contested against PAP.)

3. Policy Platforms and Parliamentary Footprint

Throughout the 2015-2025 decade, the Workers' Party sought to define its role not just through electoral contests but also through its policy proposals and actions within Parliament. Positioning itself as a constructive opposition providing a "check-and-balance" 5, the party articulated a consistent, broadly centre-left policy agenda while actively participating in legislative debates and scrutiny.

Evolution of Policy Priorities (Manifestos 2015-2025)

The WP's policy platforms, detailed in its general election manifestos, show both consistency in core themes and evolution in response to changing national concerns.

GE2015 Manifesto ("Empower Your Future"): This 48-page document presented over 130 proposals across six areas: the Singaporean core, economic security, education/family/social welfare, home/city, governance, and foreign relations.39 Key planks included calls for mandatory unemployment insurance (an Employment Security Fund providing 40% of last-drawn salary for up to six months, capped at the median wage) 39, a national minimum wage pegged to basic household expenditure needs 39, lowering the CPF payout eligibility age from 65 to 60 40, offering a 10-year through-train school programme bypassing the PSLE 39, raising the income cap for the Community Health Assist Scheme (CHAS) 40, and de-linking HDB flat prices from land costs.40 It also proposed structural reforms like a national transport corporation owning public transport assets 39, the abolition of GRCs and the Nominated MP scheme 40, the establishment of independent electoral commissions 39, and replacing the Internal Security Act (ISA) with a dedicated anti-terrorism law.39 The manifesto emphasized limiting foreign workforce growth by investing in local worker productivity and encouraging more women and seniors to participate in the labour force.39 It also included early calls for Flexible Work Arrangements (FWA), proposing that companies with over 20 employees be obliged to formally consider FWA requests.41

GE2020 Manifesto ("Make Your Vote Count"): Released amidst the COVID-19 pandemic, this manifesto addressed immediate crisis responses alongside longer-term goals.42 It reiterated many previous proposals while refining some. Key calls included scrapping the planned Goods and Services Tax (GST) hike from 7% to 9% 44, lowering the CPF payout age to 60 and introducing a special dividend from GIC investments into CPF accounts 44, implementing a national minimum wage 5, introducing redundancy insurance (similar to the 2015 proposal, funded by contributions from employees and employers) 44, and widening Medisave usage for seniors over 60.44 Other proposals included lowering Intermediate and Long-Term Care (ILTC) costs 44, increasing university admission places 44, providing free public transport for seniors and persons with disabilities 44, allowing singles to apply for new BTO flats at age 28 instead of 35 44, ensuring the independence of national institutions (e.g., from political influence in appointments) 44, abolishing GRCs 44, establishing independent electoral bodies, and fixing the parliamentary term.44 Specific COVID-19 proposals focused on expanded testing, improved contact tracing, plugging gaps in support schemes (like extending relief to younger self-employed persons and allowing limited CPF withdrawals), and robust support for local enterprises.42 The call for anti-discrimination legislation was also present.41

GE2025 Manifesto ("Working for Singapore"): This extensive 122-page document contained 125 proposals across five main themes: affordability and cost of living, economic growth and opportunities, inclusion and equality, accountability and democracy, and security and geopolitics.22 A notable addition was a dedicated section explicitly highlighting the party's claimed impact on government policy over the years.26 Key proposals included finding alternative revenue sources to the GST hike, such as a net wealth tax of 0.5-2% on the top 1% of wealth holders, a minimum corporate tax rate of 15% (consistent with OECD's BEPS 2.0 Pillar Two), booking initial land sales revenue as current income, and increasing the Net Investment Returns Contribution (NIRC) cap from 50% to 60%.30 It also proposed exempting essential items like basic food from GST.30 The call for a national minimum wage was specified at S$1,600 per month.30 Redundancy insurance remained a key proposal, with the manifesto noting the government's recently announced SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support Scheme as a related development.26 Healthcare proposals included lifting the MediSave usage cap for those over 60 for all uncovered expenses at public/CHAS clinics 41, a Silver Living Development Scheme for affordable assisted living 41, enhanced CHAS subsidies and MediSave top-ups for Persons with Disabilities 41, and a National Cancer Care Appeals Board for complex cases.41 Other proposals included abolishing the statutory retirement age 30, allowing CPF members to co-invest savings with GIC 30, establishing an official poverty line 30, lowering the voting age to 18 5, enhancing judicial oversight, depoliticising taxpayer-funded grassroots organisations like People's Association (PA) and Community Development Councils (CDCs) 41, replacing the ISA 30, and formally recognising the State of Palestine.30 The push for legislated FWA continued.41

Across the decade, core WP policy concerns remained consistent: addressing the cost of living, enhancing social safety nets (minimum wage, unemployment support), ensuring retirement adequacy via CPF reforms, improving affordability and access to public housing and healthcare, and advocating for political reforms aimed at greater accountability and fairness (GRCs, ISA, electoral system independence).5 The proposals reflect a consistent centre-left ideological orientation 49, focusing on mitigating economic insecurity and inequality within Singapore's market-driven economy. This positioning helps define the WP's political brand and appeal to voters concerned about these issues. The evolution of proposals shows responsiveness to current events (COVID-19) and increasing specificity on mechanisms (e.g., detailed GST alternatives, wealth tax specifics in 2025).

Key Legislative Interventions and Parliamentary Questions

As the leading opposition party, the WP utilized parliamentary sessions to scrutinize government policies, propose alternatives, and represent constituent concerns. Post-GE2015, its contingent of six elected MPs and NCMPs actively participated in debates. They notably voted against significant pieces of legislation, including constitutional amendments related to the Elected Presidency in 2016 and the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act (POFMA) in 2019.16 These actions were highlighted by the party as fulfilling its promise to provide an alternative voice and deny the PAP a "blank cheque".16

WP MPs consistently file parliamentary questions on a wide range of topics. For instance, in an April 2025 sitting, questions covered infrastructure (covered linkways - Dennis Tan), housing for singles (Single Room Shared Facilities - Louis Chua), healthcare costs and practices (Louis Chua, Dennis Tan), access to government schemes for opposition-held constituencies (Sport-in-Precinct - Pritam Singh), long-term housing and population planning (HDB dwelling unit projections - Pritam Singh), governance standards for family offices (Gerald Giam), and foreign policy issues like aid to Gaza (Dennis Tan, Faisal Manap).50 This demonstrates ongoing engagement with both local and national issues through parliamentary mechanisms.

Specific parliamentary actions included MP He Ting Ru filing a motion on empowering women, which spurred debate on anti-discrimination measures 41, and MP Louis Chua raising an adjournment motion dedicated to Flexible Work Arrangements.41 Before his resignation, MP Leon Perera had raised issues concerning hawker centre policies.51 During the debate on the Workplace Fairness Act, WP MPs spoke in support while also raising concerns about its scope and potential limitations.41 The party also took a specific stance on a Bill related to the proposed merger between NTUC Income and Allianz, abstaining from the vote. They argued that passing legislation to affect a live transaction raised concerns about business certainty and that such a matter should ideally be reviewed by a select committee first.31

Assessing Policy Influence: Claims vs. Reality

Quantifying the direct policy influence of an opposition party in a dominant-party system is inherently difficult. Government policy formulation involves multiple inputs, including internal research, public consultations, expert advice, and responses to global trends. However, the WP has increasingly sought to claim credit for influencing government policy, making this a key part of its narrative, especially in the GE2025 manifesto.26

The party points to several policy shifts by the government that followed years of WP advocacy:

• Support for Retrenched Workers: The WP consistently called for unemployment insurance in its manifestos since 2006 and published a detailed policy paper in 2016.41 The government later introduced temporary support schemes (announced 2023) and the SkillsFuture Jobseeker Support Scheme (Budget 2025).26 WP MP Gerald Giam suggested that their long-standing push for redundancy insurance saw the idea eventually "resurfaced by Labour MPs" and adopted into PAP policy.52

• Anti-Discrimination Legislation: The WP's 2020 manifesto called for laws against workplace discrimination.41 After initial government reluctance (Minister calling it a "blunt tool" in Sep 2020) and further calls from WP MPs like He Ting Ru in 2021, the government announced plans for such legislation later that year, culminating in the Workplace Fairness Act passed in 2024.26

• Flexible Work Arrangements (FWA): The WP proposed obliging larger companies to consider FWA requests in 2015.41 Following MP Louis Chua's adjournment motion in 2023 reiterating the call for legislated rights, the Ministry of Manpower announced mandatory FWA request guidelines effective December 2024.26

• Other Areas: The party also suggests its advocacy contributed to shifts in areas like allowing Muslim women in certain professions to wear the tudung, enhancing shared parental leave, achieving shorter waiting times for BTO flats, and the focus on preventative health through Healthier SG.26

While direct causality is hard to establish definitively, the WP's persistent raising of these issues in Parliament and public discourse likely contributed to shaping the policy agenda and potentially influenced the timing, scope, or design of government initiatives.52 The party's strategic decision to explicitly claim influence in its 2025 manifesto represents an evolution beyond merely being a "check" or "co-driver".26 It is an attempt to demonstrate tangible value creation and positive policy impact to the electorate, potentially countering narratives that opposition votes are ineffective or solely critical. This aims to persuade voters that electing WP MPs can lead to concrete improvements benefiting Singaporeans.

The Role of the Leader of the Opposition (LO)

A significant development following GE2020 was the formal designation of WP Secretary-General Pritam Singh as Singapore's first de jure Leader of the Opposition (LO) by Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong.53 This formal recognition came with dedicated staff support and resources, including a higher salary allowance (half of the increase from which Singh pledged to donate to party, charitable, and resident needs).53

The creation of this office institutionalizes the role of the main opposition leader within Singapore's parliamentary framework. It provides enhanced capacity for policy research, parliamentary work, and public communication, potentially strengthening the WP's ability to perform its scrutiny and alternative policy proposal functions.53 Singh himself described the LO's role as reminding Singaporeans that holding views different from the PAP is legitimate and that a loyal opposition works in the country's best interests.27 While conferring institutional legitimacy, this formal status also likely brings heightened public and media expectations regarding the WP's performance, the substance of its policy alternatives, and the conduct of its MPs. It shifts the perception of the party further towards being a potential, albeit distant, alternative government, making future lapses potentially more significant.

4. Town Council Governance: Trials and Tribulations

The management of town councils (TCs) became a defining aspect of the Workers' Party's experience between 2015 and 2025. This period saw the party grappling with the long-running legal and political fallout from the Aljunied-Hougang Town Council (AHTC) saga, while also taking on the management of the new Sengkang Town Council (SKTC) after its GE2020 victory.

Managing AHTC and SKTC: Initiatives and Performance

Town Councils in Singapore are responsible for the management and maintenance of common property in public housing estates within their jurisdiction. Their scope includes essential cyclical works like repairs and redecoration (R&R), re-roofing, electrical rewiring, and lift maintenance, as well as day-to-day services like cleaning, landscaping, booking of common facilities, and bulky item removal.54

Aljunied-Hougang Town Council (AHTC): Following GE2011, the WP formed the Aljunied-Hougang-Punggol East Town Council (AHPETC).55 After losing Punggol East SMC in GE2015, the town council was reconstituted as AHTC, covering Aljunied GRC and Hougang SMC.55 Over the decade, key WP figures including Low Thia Khiang, Sylvia Lim, Pritam Singh, Faisal Manap, Chen Show Mao, Png Eng Huat, Gerald Giam, Dennis Tan, and Leon Perera (until his 2023 resignation) were involved in its leadership and operations as elected MPs and town councillors.1 Gerald Giam assumed the chairmanship of AHTC in 2024.60 Despite the challenges of the legal case, AHTC continued its operational duties. By 2024/2025, the town council reported accumulating a surplus of $2 million over the preceding five years, earmarked for estate improvements such as the upgrading of 659 lifts across Aljunied GRC.32 Senior party figures like Abdul Muhaimin, who later became a GE2025 candidate, gained operational experience working within AHTC since 2015.21

Sengkang Town Council (SKTC): Formed after the WP's victory in Sengkang GRC in GE2020 21, SKTC manages the Buangkok, Rivervale, Anchorvale, and Compassvale wards.21 The town council is chaired by MP He Ting Ru, with MP Louis Chua as Vice-Chair, and MP Jamus Lim also serving as an elected member.21 (MP Raeesah Khan represented the Compassvale ward until her resignation in November 2021 21). SKTC has focused on proactive estate management and community initiatives. In April 2025, it announced a five-year masterplan featuring the rejuvenation of the Sengkang Sculpture Park, a new rooftop butterfly garden in Anchorvale, an edible garden in Buangkok, and a dog run in Rivervale.35 The council reported having delivered 81 town improvement projects since its formation in 2020 and was studying another 96 projects (including covered walkways and playgrounds) for implementation between FY2025 and FY2029.35 Plans also included the modernization or replacement of 685 lifts.35 SKTC gained attention for submitting a notably high number of project proposals (248 in FY2024) for potential government funding through the Community Improvement Projects Committee (CIPC).35 The council also organized community engagement activities like the "River Run" initiative 36 and addressed specific resident feedback, such as facilitating halal food options through vending machine cafes.36

Performance Ratings: A significant milestone was achieved when both AHTC and SKTC received the top 'Green' rating in the Ministry of National Development's (MND) Town Council Management Report (TCMR) for FY2023 (results released in 2024).32 This positive assessment, covering areas like estate cleanliness, maintenance, lift performance, and corporate governance, marked a notable turnaround, especially for AHTC, given its past widely publicized governance issues. This achievement suggests the implementation of corrective measures and improved operational capabilities, providing external validation that directly counters earlier criticisms and allows the WP to demonstrate competence in municipal management – a factor often considered by voters.14

The AHTC Saga: Chronological Overview (2015-2024) and Resolution

The AHTC saga dominated discussions about WP's governance capacity for much of the decade. While its origins pre-date 2015, the period saw critical developments including audits, legal action, court judgments, and eventual settlement.

Background (Pre-2015): Issues emerged after the WP took control of Aljunied GRC in 2011 and formed AHPETC. Concerns were first raised publicly when the town council's own auditor, Foo Kon Tan Grant Thornton, issued disclaimer of opinions for its financial statements for two consecutive years (FY2011/12 and FY2012/13) – an unprecedented event for a Singapore town council.55 This indicated the auditors could not verify the accuracy and fairness of the financial statements, citing issues like lack of access to records and concerns over payments to related parties.55 Given that TC funds include public monies (S&CC collections and government grants), these disclaimers prompted MND to direct the Auditor-General's Office (AGO) in February 2014 to conduct an audit.55 The AGO's report, released in February 2015, detailed significant lapses in governance, compliance with the Town Councils Act and Financial Rules, particularly concerning conflicts of interest in transactions with the town council's managing agent, FM Solutions & Services (FMSS). FMSS was owned by WP supporters Danny Loh and How Weng Fan, who simultaneously held key management positions within the town council (Ms. How as General Manager, Mr. Loh as Secretary with cheque co-signing authority).55 The AGO concluded that without addressing these weaknesses, there was no assurance public funds were properly managed.55 MND subsequently withheld operating grants due to these unresolved issues.55

Key Developments (2015-2024):

• March 2015: MND filed Originating Summons No 250 against AHPETC seeking appointment of independent accountants.66 MND also publicly called for AHPETC to appoint independent accountants.55

• November 2015: Following GE2015 and the reconstitution of AHPETC into AHTC, the Court of Appeal ordered AHTC to appoint independent accountants, approved by the Housing Development Board (HDB), to review its books and oversee remediation efforts.56

• January-March 2016: After initial nominations were rejected by HDB, the Court directed AHTC to appoint a firm from the "Big Four". KPMG was subsequently appointed in March 2016.57

• April 2016: MND disbursed the previously withheld S&CC operating grants to AHTC.55

• October 2016: KPMG submitted its report, identifying "serious flaws" in AHTC's governance and controls. It highlighted $33.7 million in payments made to FMSS and its subsidiary FMSI that were deemed "improper" due to conflicts of interest (payments co-signed by conflicted persons or FMSS employees) and control failures.56

• February 2017: AHTC appointed an independent panel, chaired by senior counsel Philip Jeyaretnam, to review the KPMG findings and decide on necessary actions.56

• July 2017: Acting on the independent panel's recommendation, AHTC initiated civil lawsuits against key WP leaders (Low Thia Khiang, Sylvia Lim, Pritam Singh), other town councillors (Kenneth Foo, Chua Zhi Hon), and the owners/employees of FMSS (Danny Loh, How Weng Fan, and FMSS/FMSI). The suits alleged breaches of fiduciary duties and duties of skill and care, seeking to recover the alleged improper payments.56 Pasir Ris-Punggol Town Council (PRPTC), which took over the Punggol East ward after GE2015, later joined as a plaintiff concerning losses related to that specific division.57 The defendants denied the allegations, arguing they acted in good faith under challenging circumstances, including the abrupt termination notice from the previous managing agent (CPG) and the alleged non-transfer of the existing Town Council Management System (TCMS).58

• October 2018: The trial commenced in the High Court.59

• October 2019: High Court Judge Kannan Ramesh delivered his judgment, finding Ms. Lim and Mr. Low liable for breaching their fiduciary duties to AHTC, primarily concerning the waiver of tender for FMSS's appointment and the flawed payment processes. Mr. Singh was found to have breached his duties of skill and care in these areas, a lesser finding than fiduciary breach.58 All three, along with other town councillors and FMSS personnel, were found to have breached duties of skill and care regarding the control failures enabling improper payments.58 The judge also found Lim and Singh breached duties regarding the awarding of certain contracts to third parties.58 The potential quantum of damages remained to be assessed in a second trial phase, with plaintiffs claiming up to $33.7 million and defendants arguing the maximum recoverable loss was significantly lower, possibly around $620,000.59

• July 2020: Following WP's victory in Sengkang GRC (which included the former Punggol East area), Sengkang Town Council (SKTC) took over PRPTC's role as a plaintiff in the lawsuit.57

• February 2021: The Court of Appeal, comprising five judges including the Chief Justice, heard the appeals filed by the defendants.57

• November 2022 & July 2023: The Court of Appeal delivered its judgment in two parts. It significantly revised the High Court's findings. Crucially, it overturned the finding that the town councillors owed fiduciary duties to AHTC, ruling instead that their obligations stemmed from the Town Councils Act and Financial Rules, imposing a common law duty of care and skill.58 Based on this standard, the Court found Ms. Lim and Mr. Low negligent in relation to AHTC's payment processes, which allowed improper payments to FMSS to occur. However, it cleared Mr. Singh of negligence on this specific issue.58 All three WP MPs (Lim, Low, Singh), along with town councillors Foo and Chua, and FMSS employees, were found negligent concerning the process for awarding contracts and making payments to certain third-party contractors.58

• November 2023: In a subsequent ruling on legal costs, the Court of Appeal awarded costs amounting to $351,965.62 to the WP MPs, town councillors, FMSS, and its employees. The court reasoned that they had succeeded substantially in their appeals against the High Court's much broader findings of liability.57

• July 2024: AHTC and SKTC announced they had reached a settlement with the WP leaders (Singh, Lim, Low) and town councillors (Foo, Chua) through mediation.56 Under the settlement, the town councils dropped all their claims for damages and costs against these individuals. Correspondingly, the individuals dropped their claims for costs against the town councils.57 Reports indicated that FMSS and its principals also reached a settlement with the town councils.57 This settlement effectively concluded the long-running civil litigation regarding the recovery of funds.

The AHTC saga represented a major, sustained challenge for the WP throughout the decade. Originating from audit findings before 2015 but intensifying with the AGO report, KPMG audit, and subsequent lawsuits, the case consumed significant party resources and leadership attention.55 The documented lapses and initial adverse court findings provided considerable political ammunition for opponents and likely contributed to the electoral pressures the party faced, particularly in GE2015.8 The final Court of Appeal judgment, however, substantially narrowed the legal liability compared to the High Court's initial ruling, notably rejecting the fiduciary duty standard and clearing Mr. Singh of negligence in the core FMSS payment process.58 The eventual settlement, where the town councils dropped claims for damages 57, suggests a pragmatic end to the financial recovery aspect, possibly reflecting the complexities and costs involved in quantifying and proving losses directly attributable to the specific negligence findings upheld on appeal. While the settlement closed the legal chapter, the saga undoubtedly impacted the party's narrative and operations significantly during the 2015-2025 period.

Table 2: AHTC Legal Case: Key Developments Timeline (2015-2024)

Date (Approx.)	Event	Key Finding/Outcome	Source Snippet(s)
Feb 2015	AGO Report Released	Found major lapses in governance, compliance, related-party transactions involving FMSS.	55
Mar 2015	MND files OS 250 / Calls for Independent Accountants	Legal action initiated by MND; public call for external audit.	55
Nov 2015	Court of Appeal Order	Ordered AHTC to appoint independent accountants (subject to HDB approval) to fix lapses.	56
Mar 2016	KPMG Appointed	AHTC appoints KPMG after court directs use of "Big 4" firm.	57
Oct 2016	KPMG Report Issued	Found "serious flaws", highlighted $33.7M in "improper payments" to FMSS/FMSI due to conflicts/control failures.	56
Jul 2017	Civil Lawsuit Filed by AHTC (via Independent Panel)	Suit filed against WP leaders, councillors, FMSS personnel alleging breach of duties, seeking recovery of funds.	56
Oct 2019	High Court Judgment	Found Lim & Low breached fiduciary duties; Singh breached duty of skill/care regarding FMSS. All liable for control failures. Liability for damages established, quantum pending.	58
Nov 2022 / Jul 2023	Court of Appeal Judgment	Overturned fiduciary duty finding. Found Lim & Low negligent re: FMSS payments; cleared Singh on this. All key defendants negligent re: some third-party contracts/payments.	58
Nov 2023	Costs Awarded by Court of Appeal	Awarded costs ($351k) to WP figures/FMSS, recognizing substantial success in appealing High Court judgment.	57
Jul 2024	Settlement Reached	AHTC/SKTC dropped claims for damages/costs against WP leaders/councillors; individuals dropped cost claims against TCs. Case concluded.	56

5. Navigating Internal Challenges and Controversies

Beyond the external pressures of elections and the AHTC legal case, the Workers' Party faced significant internal challenges between 2015 and 2025, primarily stemming from the conduct of two of its Members of Parliament: Raeesah Khan and Leon Perera. These incidents tested the party's internal disciplinary processes, leadership, and public reputation.

The Raeesah Khan Incident (2021): Lying in Parliament and Resignation

In August 2021, first-term Sengkang GRC MP Raeesah Khan made an allegation during a parliamentary speech about accompanying a 25-year-old rape survivor to a police station in 2018, claiming an officer made insensitive remarks about the victim's attire and drinking.64 When questioned in Parliament in October 2021 by Law and Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam for details to allow investigation, Ms. Khan declined, citing confidentiality but reiterating the veracity of her account and confirming she had accompanied the victim.64

However, on November 1, 2021, Ms. Khan admitted in Parliament that she had lied on multiple occasions.64 She confessed she had not accompanied the victim but had heard the anecdote in a sexual assault survivors' support group, which she was part of, and had shared it without the survivor's consent.64 She attributed her actions partly to her own trauma from being sexually assaulted years earlier while studying abroad.64 Following her admission, the Leader of the House, Indranee Rajah, referred the matter to Parliament's Committee of Privileges (COP) for investigation into potential abuse of parliamentary privilege.64 Concurrently, the WP formed its own internal Disciplinary Panel, comprising party leaders Pritam Singh, Sylvia Lim, and Faisal Manap, on November 2.64 On November 30, 2021, Ms. Khan resigned from the Workers' Party and consequently vacated her seat as an MP for Sengkang GRC.21

Subsequent revelations indicated that the WP leadership (Singh, Lim, Faisal) had been informed by Ms. Khan that she had lied shortly after her August 3 speech, around August 10-12.68 According to Mr. Singh, the leadership decided to give her time to address the issue, partly because she had also disclosed her personal history of sexual assault, which she had not previously shared with her family.68 The expectation was that she would clarify the matter in Parliament at the next available sitting in October.68 However, when she failed to do so and instead repeated the falsehood, the party leadership initiated the disciplinary process.68 Mr. Singh stated that the party's Central Executive Committee (CEC) had voted overwhelmingly to ask Ms. Khan to resign shortly before she tendered her resignation.68

The COP investigation involved hearings with Ms. Khan, the WP leaders, and party cadres, including Ms. Khan's former secretarial assistant Loh Pei Ying and volunteer Yudhishthra Nathan.69 In February 2022, the COP released its findings, recommending a fine of S$35,000 for Ms. Khan for lying multiple times and abusing parliamentary privilege.69 Significantly, the committee also concluded it was "satisfied" that the WP leaders (Singh, Lim, Faisal) had been untruthful in their testimony under oath during the probe. Consequently, the COP recommended that Mr. Singh and Mr. Faisal be referred to the Public Prosecutor for further investigation into potential perjury.69 This referral represented a serious escalation, moving beyond internal party matters and parliamentary sanctions into the realm of potential criminal investigation for the party's top leadership, creating a legal uncertainty separate from the resolved AHTC civil suit.

The incident had further internal repercussions. The two party cadres who testified before the COP, Ms. Loh and Mr. Nathan, resigned from the WP in November 2022, stating they had ceased active volunteer work since December 2021 and citing the difficulty of the preceding months.69 The episode inevitably raised public questions about the WP's candidate vetting procedures, the timeliness of its response to the misconduct, and its internal disciplinary mechanisms.68 Sengkang GRC subsequently operated with three MPs.68

The Leon Perera / Nicole Seah Affair (2023): Resignations

In July 2023, the party faced another internal crisis when a video clip surfaced online allegedly showing Aljunied GRC MP Leon Perera holding hands intimately with senior party member Nicole Seah at a restaurant.51 Both Mr. Perera and Ms. Seah were married (to other people), had children, and were members of the WP's CEC.72 Ms. Seah was also President of the WP Youth Wing.72

Two days after the video emerged, on July 19, 2023, WP Secretary-General Pritam Singh announced at a press conference that both Mr. Perera and Ms. Seah had resigned from the party.51 Mr. Perera also resigned his parliamentary seat.51 Mr. Singh revealed that when confronted after the video surfaced, both individuals admitted to having had an extramarital affair, which began sometime after the 2020 General Election but had concluded before the video became public.51

Mr. Singh also disclosed that he had been previously informed about the possibility of an inappropriate relationship between the two by Mr. Perera's former driver in late 2020 or early 2021.73 At that time, Mr. Singh had questioned Mr. Perera about the allegation. Mr. Perera denied it, attributing the driver's claims to an ongoing employment dispute and stating he was seeking legal advice.73 Mr. Singh stated that without corroborating evidence at that point, the party did not pursue the matter further.74 However, during his meeting with Mr. Singh after the video surfaced in 2023, Mr. Perera acknowledged he should have been more truthful when initially questioned.74

The party leadership emphasized that Mr. Perera's lack of honesty when first questioned fell short of the standards expected of WP MPs according to the party constitution.74 Mr. Singh stated that had Mr. Perera not offered his resignation, he would have recommended his expulsion to the CEC.74 The party stressed that it acted swiftly once the video provided clear evidence.74 The resignations left the Serangoon division of Aljunied GRC without direct MP representation.33

Impact on Party Cohesion and Public Trust

These two high-profile incidents, occurring within two years of each other, inevitably impacted the Workers' Party's public image and raised questions about internal standards and leadership.68 The Raeesah Khan case involved dishonesty in Parliament, a serious breach of parliamentary privilege, while the Perera/Seah affair involved personal misconduct compounded by initial untruthfulness to the party leadership. Both cases challenged the party's narrative of being a responsible and credible political force.

The leadership's handling of both situations drew scrutiny. The delay between the leadership knowing about Ms. Khan's lie (August 2021) and her public admission and resignation (November 2021) was questioned.68 Similarly, the decision to accept Mr. Perera's initial denial of the affair based on his word against his driver's, without further investigation at the time, was debated by observers.73

These events highlight potential vulnerabilities in the WP's internal processes for vetting candidates, monitoring conduct, and responding to allegations, particularly when clear evidence is initially lacking or contested.68 A focus on internal process and fairness, while important, might appear reactive or slow from an external perspective demanding immediate accountability. Political analysts suggested these incidents could negatively affect voter trust and would likely feature in future electoral campaigns, requiring the party to demonstrate that lessons had been learned.70 However, some commentators also noted that the ruling PAP had faced its own share of scandals involving personal conduct, potentially mitigating the long-term damage to the WP relative to the incumbent.73

In response to these incidents, the WP leadership consistently framed its actions around upholding party standards and accountability, emphasizing the resignations and the threat of expulsion.68 This approach aimed to project an image of adherence to constitutional requirements of honesty and frankness 75, potentially positioning the party as taking a firm stance on misconduct as a means to manage the political fallout and maintain supporter confidence.

6. Leadership Renewal and Party Development

The decade from 2015 to 2025 was a period of significant internal evolution for the Workers' Party, marked by a major leadership transition, concerted efforts in candidate recruitment, and ongoing development of party structures and outreach.

The Low-to-Pritam Leadership Transition (2018)

A pivotal moment occurred in 2018 with the handover of the party's top leadership position. Low Thia Khiang, who had served as Secretary-General since succeeding J.B. Jeyaretnam in 2001 62, announced in November 2017 his intention to step down from the post at the next party conference to facilitate leadership renewal after 17 years at the helm.62

On April 8, 2018, Pritam Singh, then 41 and serving as Assistant Secretary-General, was elected unopposed as the new Secretary-General of the Workers' Party.53 Sylvia Lim was re-elected unopposed as Party Chair.78 This transition was widely seen as smooth and marked a significant generational shift for Singapore's most prominent opposition party.78 Mr. Low had led the WP through a period of unprecedented electoral success, culminating in the historic capture of Aljunied GRC in 2011.5 Mr. Singh represented a younger cohort taking charge.53

Mr. Low did not immediately retire from politics. He continued to serve as an MP for Aljunied GRC until the 2020 General Election.38 He cited achieving his key goals – winning a GRC and ensuring leadership renewal – as reasons for not contesting GE2020.62 Despite suffering a serious fall resulting in hospitalization and the loss of his sense of smell in May 2020 62, he remained involved with the party as a member of the Central Executive Committee (CEC), offering guidance and mentorship to the new leadership when requested.38 In December 2024, he publicly confirmed he would not be contesting the upcoming GE2025.38

The successful and uncontested nature of this leadership change was crucial for maintaining party stability and focus. It allowed the WP to avoid potentially damaging internal conflicts and provided Mr. Singh with a clear mandate and time to establish his leadership style ahead of GE2020, arguably contributing to the party's strong performance in that election.

Candidate Selection and Calibre

The WP placed considerable emphasis on candidate recruitment and development throughout the decade.

• GE2015: The party fielded 28 candidates.6 This slate included several new faces who would become prominent figures later, such as academics Daniel Goh and Leon Perera, lawyer He Ting Ru, and future Hougang MP Dennis Tan, alongside others like Bernard Chen, Cheryl Loh, Kenneth Foo, and Ron Tan.6

• GE2020: The WP fielded a smaller slate of 21 candidates.3 This election saw the introduction of notable newcomers like economics associate professor Jamus Lim, social enterprise founder Raeesah Khan, equity research analyst Louis Chua, and business owner Nicole Seah (who contested East Coast GRC).15 Dennis Tan successfully contested and won Hougang SMC after the retirement of Png Eng Huat.20 Long-serving MPs Low Thia Khiang and Chen Show Mao also stepped down from contesting, alongside Png Eng Huat, as part of the party's renewal process.16

• GE2025 Preparations: Leading up to the anticipated GE2025, the WP signalled intentions to field its largest slate of candidates yet, potentially exceeding 30 individuals.23 This included introducing what was expected to be a record number of at least 17 new faces.23 By late April 2025, the party had publicly introduced 14 potential first-time candidates.28 This cohort included individuals with diverse professional backgrounds, such as Senior Counsel Harpreet Singh, former diplomat Eileen Chong, tech entrepreneur Kenneth Tiong, clinical psychologist Dr. Ong Lue Ping, and AHTC senior property manager Abdul Muhaimin.26

Political analysts observed a consistent improvement in the calibre of candidates fielded by the WP over successive elections.28 The GE2025 cohort generated significant media interest or "buzz," with commentators describing the slate as high-calibre, comparable to, or even mirroring ("PAP-lite"), the profiles typically associated with ruling party candidates.28 This enhanced ability to attract credible professionals and individuals with diverse experiences is likely linked to the party's improved electoral performance (especially in GE2020) and its perceived role as a serious political platform.28 This suggests a positive feedback loop: electoral success attracts better candidates, who in turn may improve future electoral prospects. This growing recruitment potential signifies increasing legitimacy and viability for the WP as a political force, contrasting with historical difficulties faced by opposition parties in attracting talent.14

Building Party Infrastructure and Reach

Beyond leadership and candidates, the WP focused on strengthening its organizational capacity and connection with the electorate.

• Groundwork Emphasis: The party consistently stressed the importance of regular engagement with residents through activities like house visits, Meet-the-People Sessions (MPS), and community events, maintaining a presence outside of election periods.33

• Policy Development: The WP maintains a dedicated Policy Research Team, headed by Gerald Giam with Jamus Lim as deputy head (as of 2024).5 This team is responsible for developing the detailed policy proposals found in the party's manifestos, drawing on both internal expertise and external subject matter experts.39

• Youth Engagement: The party operates a Youth Wing, previously headed by Nicole Seah before her resignation 72, indicating efforts to engage and cultivate younger members and voters.

• Strategic Goals: The WP publicly articulated a medium-term objective of winning at least one-third of the elected seats in Parliament.16 This specific threshold is strategically significant as it represents the number needed to deny the ruling PAP the supermajority required to amend the Constitution independently. While ambitious, framing the goal in this manner positions the party as seeking to strengthen checks and balances rather than aiming to form the government immediately.81 This "loyal opposition" stance potentially reassures moderate voters who desire greater political diversity but may be wary of instability.16 For GE2025, Mr. Singh confirmed the party would contest fewer than the 32 seats that constitute one-third of Parliament.28

7. Media Narratives and Public Standing

The perception of the Workers' Party between 2015 and 2025 was shaped by a complex interplay of its own actions, electoral outcomes, media coverage, and analyst commentary. Its public standing appeared to fluctuate significantly in response to major events.

Analysis of Media Portrayal and Analyst Commentary

Media coverage and expert analysis reflected the WP's changing fortunes throughout the decade.

• Post-GE2015: News reports accurately reflected the PAP's strong victory and the WP's setback, detailing the loss of Punggol East SMC and the significantly reduced winning margins in Aljunied GRC and Hougang SMC.7 Political analysts expressed surprise ("confounded") at the magnitude of the swing back to the PAP and the WP's comparatively weaker performance than anticipated.8 Commentary explored contributing factors such as the SG50 effect, the impact of Lee Kuan Yew's passing, and the potential negative influence of the ongoing AHTC town council controversy.8 While mainstream media remained the dominant source of election information for many, the role of online media, including blogs and social media platforms, was growing, facilitating citizen-generated content like photos of large WP rally crowds.14

• Post-GE2020: The narrative shifted dramatically. Media coverage highlighted the WP's historic achievement in winning Sengkang GRC and securing 10 elected seats, even as the PAP retained its overall majority.13 The WP was often described as having "stolen the show".16 Attention focused on the perceived quality of WP candidates, particularly Jamus Lim's debate performance 18, and the effectiveness of the party's campaign messaging centered on providing checks and balances.3 Analysts debated the broader implications of the WP winning a second GRC for Singapore's political future.13

• AHTC Saga Coverage: The protracted legal case concerning AHTC received extensive and sustained media attention over several years. Reporting covered the initial audit findings (AGO, KPMG), the filing of lawsuits, the detailed proceedings of the High Court trial, the judgments from both the High Court and the Court of Appeal, and the eventual settlement.55 Media narratives frequently focused on the findings of governance lapses, alleged improper payments, and questions surrounding financial management and conflicts of interest.

• Internal Scandals (Khan, Perera/Seah): The incidents involving Raeesah Khan's dishonesty in Parliament and the extramarital affair involving Leon Perera and Nicole Seah were widely reported.69 Media coverage detailed the events, the party's official responses (including press conferences and resignations), and the subsequent COP investigation and findings in the Khan case. Analyst commentary often questioned the timeliness and adequacy of the party leadership's handling of these situations.71

• GE2025 Candidate Introduction: The unveiling of potential WP candidates for GE2025 generated positive media coverage and analyst commentary, focusing on the perceived high calibre and diverse professional backgrounds of the new faces.28 This created a narrative of a party successfully attracting talent and preparing seriously for the election.

Overall, mainstream media coverage tended to be factual in reporting election results and key events. Analyst commentary provided interpretation, often acknowledging WP's strengths (like candidate appeal or policy consistency) while also scrutinizing its weaknesses (such as the AHTC issues or the handling of internal scandals). Online and social media served as platforms for alternative viewpoints and direct citizen engagement.82 The public discourse surrounding the WP is constantly framed by its position relative to the dominant PAP. WP's successes are often measured against PAP's perceived vulnerabilities, while WP's failures (like AHTC or personal scandals) tend to be amplified within the context of the high standards of integrity emphasized in Singaporean politics.14 This comparative dynamic means the WP's performance narrative is rarely assessed in isolation.

Public Perception Shifts (Successes vs. Controversies)

Public perception of the Workers' Party likely underwent significant shifts during this turbulent decade.

• Factors Driving Positive Perception: Electoral breakthroughs, particularly the GE2020 win in Sengkang GRC and the overall increase to 10 elected seats, bolstered the party's image.16 The perceived quality and articulateness of its MPs and candidates, especially newer figures like Jamus Lim, contributed positively.18 The party successfully cultivated an image as a credible and necessary check-and-balance in Parliament.15 Its consistent advocacy on cost of living, healthcare, and social safety net issues resonated with segments of the population.22 Furthermore, achieving top performance ratings for both AHTC and SKTC in recent town council management reports helped demonstrate competence in local governance.32

• Factors Driving Negative Perception: The long-running AHTC saga undoubtedly damaged perceptions of the party's governance capability and financial prudence, providing sustained negative headlines.14 The Raeesah Khan incident, involving lying in Parliament and questions about the leadership's response, raised concerns about integrity and internal discipline.70 Similarly, the Perera/Seah affair and the initial lack of transparency eroded trust.73 Electoral setbacks, like the loss of Punggol East and the near-loss of Aljunied in GE2015, also likely tempered positive perceptions.7

Taken together, public perception likely followed a trajectory from the high point after the 2011 election and 2013 Punggol East by-election win, through a dip associated with GE2015 and the intensifying AHTC scrutiny, followed by a significant resurgence after the GE2020 successes. The subsequent internal scandals involving MPs likely caused further dips in public trust. However, the party's demonstrated ability to recruit a strong slate of candidates for GE2025 suggests a degree of resilience in its public standing, at least among its potential support base and recruits. The party actively seeks to manage its narrative through consistent messaging, such as the "Working for Singapore" slogan and the highlighting of its claimed policy influence.23

The party's public image appears particularly sensitive to issues concerning governance and personal integrity (AHTC, Khan, Perera/Seah). While policy debates and electoral results are important, these high-profile lapses directly challenged the WP's core branding as a responsible, ethical, and competent alternative. Such incidents, focusing on trustworthiness, may resonate more strongly with some voters than detailed policy positions, potentially overshadowing achievements in other areas.

Despite these challenges, the improving calibre of WP candidates and the GE2020 results suggest a degree of "normalization" of the party's role in Singapore's political system. It is increasingly viewed by a segment of the electorate and potential candidates not merely as a protest party but as a legitimate political entity capable of attracting talent and winning significant electoral contests.16 This perception shift contributes to a more pluralistic, though still PAP-dominated, political environment and could foster higher baseline support and continued recruitment success for the WP.

8. Conclusion: Performance Assessment (2015-2025)

The decade from 2015 to 2025 represented a period of profound testing and significant transformation for the Workers' Party of Singapore. Navigating the complexities of Singapore's PAP-dominant political system, the party experienced both considerable setbacks and historic achievements, ultimately solidifying its position as the nation's primary parliamentary opposition.

Synthesizing Major Successes:

• Electoral Advancement and Resilience: Despite a challenging GE2015, the WP demonstrated remarkable resilience by achieving a historic breakthrough in GE2020. Winning the new Sengkang GRC, retaining Aljunied GRC and Hougang SMC with increased majorities, and securing a total of 10 elected parliamentary seats marked a high point for opposition representation in post-independence Singapore.3 The party also proved its competitiveness in direct contests against the PAP within specific constituencies, winning over 50% of the aggregate vote in the seats it contested in 2020.3

• Leadership Renewal and Talent Attraction: The smooth and uncontested leadership transition from the long-serving Low Thia Khiang to Pritam Singh in 2018 ensured stability and facilitated generational change.53 Throughout the decade, and particularly leading into GE2025, the party demonstrated an enhanced ability to attract candidates perceived by analysts as being of high calibre, including established professionals from various fields, signalling growing legitimacy as a political platform.28

• Strengthened Parliamentary Role: The WP established a more robust and vocal presence in Parliament. This was institutionally recognized through the formal appointment of Pritam Singh as the Leader of the Opposition following GE2020.53 The party consistently engaged in legislative scrutiny, raised alternative policy proposals grounded in a centre-left perspective, and arguably influenced the national policy agenda in areas such as unemployment support, anti-discrimination legislation, and flexible work arrangements.16

• Improved Town Council Governance: The WP successfully navigated the conclusion of the protracted AHTC legal saga with a settlement in 2024.57 Furthermore, both AHTC and the newer SKTC achieved top performance ratings in the official Town Council Management Report in recent years, demonstrating significant improvements in operational governance and addressing earlier criticisms regarding municipal management capabilities.32 SKTC also launched proactive local improvement plans.35

Acknowledging Significant Setbacks and Challenges:

• Electoral Volatility and Systemic Hurdles: The significant swing against the WP in GE2015 underscored its electoral vulnerability to national political tides and the inherent advantages of the incumbent party.1 Expanding its electoral footprint beyond established strongholds remains a considerable challenge within Singapore's electoral system.

• The AHTC Legacy: The multi-year AHTC legal battle, stemming from governance issues in the preceding term, cast a long shadow over the party during this period. It consumed substantial resources, subjected the leadership to intense scrutiny, raised persistent questions about financial propriety and management competence, and provided significant political fodder for opponents.14

• Internal Scandals and Integrity Questions: The incidents involving Raeesah Khan's dishonesty in Parliament and the extramarital affair involving Leon Perera and Nicole Seah (compounded by initial untruthfulness to party leadership) significantly damaged the party's reputation for integrity.68 These episodes raised public questions about the party's internal disciplinary processes, candidate vetting, and leadership judgment. The unresolved COP referral of party leaders regarding testimony in the Khan case remains a potential liability.69

• Resource Disparity: As an opposition party, the WP operates with inherently fewer resources compared to the governing PAP, impacting its capacity for nationwide outreach, policy research, and campaign operations.14 Initial difficulties in securing town council management services and potential disparities in accessing government improvement funds reflect structural challenges.14

Overall Evaluation:

The Workers' Party navigated a decade of intense pressure and scrutiny between 2015 and 2025. It faced down a major electoral setback, endured a protracted and damaging legal challenge related to its core function of town council management, and weathered significant internal scandals involving elected MPs.

Despite these substantial hurdles, the party demonstrated considerable resilience and adaptive capacity. It emerged from the decade with its strongest-ever elected representation in Parliament, a successfully renewed leadership team, enhanced institutional standing via the Leader of the Opposition role, and an improved ability to attract credible candidates. The resolution of the AHTC civil suit and the achievement of positive town council performance ratings represent significant steps in addressing long-standing governance concerns.

The WP's primary effectiveness during this period lay in its strengthened role as a parliamentary opposition – providing scrutiny, articulating alternative perspectives on key socio-economic issues like cost of living and inequality, and contributing to the national policy discourse. Its electoral success in 2020 suggests a growing acceptance among a segment of the Singaporean electorate for a more pluralistic political landscape with meaningful checks and balances.

However, significant challenges persist. Maintaining internal discipline and managing public perception around issues of integrity remain critical vulnerabilities. Expanding the party's electoral appeal beyond its current strongholds in an electoral system with features like GRCs presents a formidable task. The party's future trajectory will depend on its ability to consistently uphold high standards of conduct, continue developing compelling and well-researched policy alternatives, effectively manage its town councils, and persuade a broader swathe of the electorate of its readiness for a larger role in Singapore's governance.

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